ILLEGAL & CORRUPT ABUSE OF THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM
BY BELVILLE COMMERCIAL CRIME, WOUTER DE SWARDT, KEITH BROAD, PAULA DISBERRY, RAJ MOONSAMY, SERG DUNA & SERGEANT STEVENS
🎯 How the Criminal Justice System Was Hijacked to Serve Private Ends
Theoretically, SAPS activities—including investigations, charges, arrests, and court appearances—should operate independently of private campaigns by landlords to reclaim properties. Arrests and detentions should follow a legitimate legal trajectory, unrelated to landlords’ civil successes or failures. If claims of separation are to be believed, landlords regaining possession of properties should have had no bearing on the continuation—or cessation—of criminal investigations.
Yet the facts tell a different story.
Once landlords secured their final properties, every element of SAPS activity—charges, arrests, detentions, and so-called investigations—ceased entirely. This indisputable alignment suggests SAPS actions were neither impartial nor independent, but rather orchestrated to serve the private interests of landlords.
Each landlord’s campaign aligned with the ebb and flow of SAPS involvement. As their efforts to reclaim properties intensified, SAPS activity surged. Once their objectives were achieved, both campaigns—civil and criminal—abruptly halted.
Paula Disberry’s involvement became active in early 2022 as the third lease period approached. Between May and June, once it became clear I intended to contest her actions in civil court, she provided an affidavit and other documents to SAPS—solicited specifically for this purpose. The August arrest was clearly timed to coincide with her best chance of regaining control through intimidation and incapacitation. After the traumatic experience of Pollsmoor prison and the realization of what the landlords were prepared to do, I conceded and returned the property under settlement terms in October. From that point on, her role—and any SAPS activity connected to her complaint—disappeared completely.
The Direct & Precise Correlation Between The Start, Duration, And Finish Of Police Activity & That Of The Landlords
Keith Broad’s campaign followed a parallel arc. From December 2021 through June 2022, he waged a dual campaign of civil proceedings and outright unlawful acts. In June, with the entrance of Wouter de Swardt, his approach became noticeably more aggressive—and more aligned with SAPS timelines. A wave of SAPS activity followed, culminating in a major eviction attempt in July 2022. After a temporary lull before the November hearing, Broad escalated again from December 2022 to March 2023, aligning SAPS pressure precisely with his High Court application. Once Broad achieved his aim in April, SAPS activity dissolved, mirroring the pattern observed with Disberry.
Ragi Moonsamy had limited room to manoeuvre in 2021 and 2022, as I had paid a full year’s rent in advance. But in November 2022, once the prepaid lease expired, he intervened. By early December, Moonsamy was coordinating directly. The arrest and remand that month occurred in his narrow window (10–17 December) to initiate a takeover before the arrival of the new owners. Again, SAPS actions—especially the arrest and extended detention—gave him the leverage needed to secure the property. Once he had done so by March 2023, his involvement, and the corresponding SAPS activity, ended.
Across these campaigns, the roles of Bellville Commercial Crimes Unit, Hout Bay SAPS, and specific SAPS officers directly track the landlords’ timelines. Bellville’s peak involvement paralleled Disberry’s affidavit and the August arrest. The July–August prosecution and December arrest occurred in exact lockstep with Broad’s court escalation. Moonsamy’s push, likewise, was flanked by SAPS interventions within the same fortnight he needed to act.
Even the continued pretense of pursuing an immigration trial, or the unlawful retention of seized equipment, appears rooted in obstruction—meant to disable my ability to reclaim property or seek legal remedy. The purpose was never prosecution. It was paralysis.
If Sergeant André Stevens or SAPS leadership claim that these patterns—the spikes, lulls, and ceasefires in activity—occurred by chance, then we must believe the improbable: that each landlord’s greatest moment of need coincided perfectly with SAPS action, and each victory with SAPS withdrawal. The odds of that are less than winning the lottery. And yet it happened three times. Perfectly.
The facts don’t suggest coincidence. They confirm coordination.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
SAPS Operations Ceased Immediately After Landlord Objectives Were Achieved
In EVERY event and case — in all three attempts at charges - involving Paula Disberry, Keith Broad, the Schaffers, and Ragi Moonsamy — all SAPS activity (including arrests, detentions, affidavit requests, docket movement, and communication) ceased immediately after each landlord regained possession of their respective properties.
No further investigation was undertaken. No trial preparation followed. No victims or witnesses were contacted. These drops in activity are verifiable through docket records, court filings, and affidavit timelines.
If this had been a genuine criminal investigation, it would have continued independently — unaffected by the outcome of private civil disputes. But there was no sustained inquiry, no build-up of evidence, and no visible prosecutorial process. The entire campaign of charges, detentions, malicious prosecutions, and fabricated claims disappeared the moment the landlords achieved possession — as if someone had flipped a switch
⚖️ Serg Stevens’ Premeditated Misuse of the Criminal Justice System
The data speaks for itself: arrest and detention were not incidental, but tactical — timed to maximize disruption to civil proceedings. Two overlapping campaigns unfolded in lockstep: one by landlords in the civil courts and through unlawful actions, the other by SAPS officers, particularly Sergeant André Stevens, who applied state force at precisely the moments it benefited landlords most.
Across more than 1,100 days of lease timelines, the only two arrests occurred on days that aligned exactly with landlord deadlines. The statistical probability of such timing being coincidental is infinitesimal — a pattern that dismantles any claim of impartiality or randomness on SAPS’s part.
Meanwhile, the open threat of malicious prosecution continues. Over 800 days have passed since the original docket was opened and closed, and more than 600 since the December arrest. Still, no formal steps toward prosecution have been taken. There has been no movement, no forensic activity, and no outreach to witnesses or supposed victims. Instead, vague claims that charges may still be “considered” are maintained purely as a tool of coercion — a legal sword kept aloft indefinitely to silence complaint.
The same is true of the seized equipment. Over 600 days since SAPS confiscated essential devices, not a single byte of data has been extracted or analyzed. The supposed urgency used to justify the seizure was entirely fabricated. Had the investigation been real, forensic analysis would have followed immediately. Instead, the devices were taken not to support prosecution — but to prevent defense.
In totality, these overlapping acts — illegal evictions, aggressive civil litigation, pre-trial detentions, and confiscations with no follow-up — form a deliberate campaign. The coordinated use of state power enabled private landlords to overcome lawful resistance by removing their opponent from the court, from the business, and from the conversation entirely.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
900+ Days With No Progress, No Trial, No Data Harvested
The docket used to justify the December arrest was opened and closed over 800 days ago. The arrest took place more than 600 days ago. Since then, SAPS has taken no steps to investigate, prosecute, extract digital evidence, or contact a single alleged victim.
The case has not moved forward — it has only lingered, strategically dormant. Had this been a genuine investigation, it would have advanced independent of any civil outcomes. Instead, all legal pressure — including charges, detentions, and the withholding of evidence — ceased the moment the landlords’ objectives were fulfilled
🔁 A Year-Long Relay Between Legal and Illegal Means
The timeline of events reads like a relay race — with Keith Broad passing the baton between legal filings and unlawful actions, switching tactics as each approach failed to achieve his goals. This choreography wasn’t incidental. Peaks in illegal activity aligned with critical civil court deadlines, allowing one method to reinforce the next in a rolling campaign of deceit.
🎭 The Culmination of Deception
The crescendo of this campaign came during a moment when I was unable to defend myself — detained in Pollsmoor, with all evidence and communication devices locked away by SAPS. It was during this absence that Broad submitted an appeal, free of challenge or rebuttal. His filing drew on fabricated evidence, prior court cases, media articles, and criminal dockets — many authored or orchestrated by him — which he presented as newly discovered, untainted facts.
Presented without opposition, this curated narrative stood unchallenged before a court that knew nothing of the events leading up to it. This was not justice — it was the exploitation of the legal system to launder an unlawful campaign into an uncontested victory.
🚪 Where It All Began
The pattern began when the properties first became available. Although rent had been paid in advance, and the property had been significantly maintained and improved, Broad launched illegal eviction attempts immediately — assuming, likely, that a foreign designer would offer little resistance. When warned of the consequences, he pivoted to the civil courts, filing affidavits filled with false claims and misrepresented damages.
When that legal effort failed, he returned to unlawful means, escalating threats and interventions, and triggering confrontations that would later be cited in court filings to retroactively justify his actions. In this way, the cycle of fabrication, provocation, and self-referential evidence creation sustained itself.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
Broad Filed an Appeal During Detention — Using Fabricated Evidence While the Defense Was Incapacitated
The appeal submitted by Keith Broad during August–October 2022 occurred while I was detained in Pollsmoor Prison, and my devices — containing key case documentation — remained in SAPS custody. The court file included media articles, civil case histories, and evidence previously authored by Broad or his associates, repackaged as newly discovered.
No rebuttal or cross-examination was possible. The judge, unaware of the pre-existing disputes, ruled in Broad’s favor. Had the filing taken place while I was free — with full access to counsel and evidence — the appeal would not have survived scrutiny.
🔄 Switching Between Courts and Criminal Force
When the civil courts and threats failed, Keith Broad’s illegal strategies intensified. After breaking down a door during one attempt and facing a protection order, his legal options narrowed. Undeterred, he returned to court — this time with new fabrications — using the protection order itself as cover to prevent further unlawful contact while continuing his campaign through written submissions.
When those civil efforts again stalled, Broad and his associates revived a dormant criminal docket. SAPS officers aligned with him — notably Sergeant André Stevens — initiated fresh rounds of prosecution. Bail proceedings were deliberately obstructed. The goal was not justice, but containment: keep me in Pollsmoor Prison, delay all proceedings, and remove me from the legal battlefield entirely.
Manipulating the Civil Court
Despite this pressure, the 4 August spoliation hearing proceeded. Broad attempted to derail it — but failed. The court ruled against him, ordered his eviction, and issued punitive costs. The ruling did not curb his campaign. It escalated instead.
With an interdict and protection order in place, Broad created a “no man’s land” scenario: legally barred from illegal action, he continued fabricating submissions in civil court while manipulating criminal processes behind the scenes. The overlap of arrests, filings, and detentions — often within 24-hour periods — shows a campaign executed with tactical precision.
The Criminal Process as a Weapon
The second arrest and its aftermath left me completely incapacitated. SAPS officers confiscated essential devices, cutting off access to evidence, records, and representation. Broad exploited that silence, submitting an appeal composed of misrepresentations and knowingly false evidence — a legal narrative built on the absence of rebuttal. The result: decisions made in my absence, justice subverted without resistance.
A Coordinated Abuse of Systems
Broad’s strategy was not simply aggressive — it was systemic. He moved between courts and illegal acts with calculated ease, using state-backed arrests when unlawful tactics failed, and legal filings when unlawful tactics had gone too far. The result was a sustained campaign designed to silence opposition, exclude due process, and subvert the entire purpose of the criminal justice system.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
August 4 Court Ruling Against Broad Was Followed by Renewed Arrests and Fabricated Submissions
After the Western Cape High Court ruled against Keith Broad on 4 August 2022 — ordering his eviction from the property and awarding punitive costs — Broad escalated his campaign using both criminal prosecution and fabricated civil filings.
Within days, I was arrested, detained, and had all critical devices seized by SAPS. During this period of incapacitation, Broad filed an appeal leveraging media content, closed dockets, and his own previously fabricated documents.
The timing of the second arrest and the appeal submission occurred within the same 72-hour period. No rebuttal was possible. His narrative stood — not on its truth, but on my absence.
The Only Option Left Was to Appeal
By the time I reached the point of appeal, I had no viable resources left. Appeals are limited in scope — they challenge only procedural errors and are typically heard by the same judge, requiring them to admit they made a mistake, which is rare.
I had no attorney. No access to my devices. No documentation. No clarity on what had transpired in my absence. Facing me were Keith Broad, Ragi Moonsamy, Wouter de Swardt, and their legal team — prepared, resourced, and armed with a narrative I could neither rebut nor review.
Still, I attended. I wanted the court to hear what had happened.
But from the start, it was clear: the judge had no intention of acknowledging injustice. When I explained the impossibility of preparing a legal defense while detained in Pollsmoor, the judge dismissed my concern, stating I could have “instructed an attorney from prison.” In that moment, responsibility for the situation shifted entirely away from those who had orchestrated it — a signal that the process was no longer about justice, but about validating what had already been taken.
How SAPS Was Used to Shield and Enable Unlawful Evictions
Beyond courtrooms, arrests and detentions were weaponized by SAPS officers — most notably Sergeant André Stevens — to facilitate and disguise illegal acts by landlords. What the landlords could not achieve through court or coercion, they secured through incarceration.
This wasn’t speculative. It was patterned and provable.
Before SAPS was involved, civil courts consistently ruled in my favour. Unlawful entries, assaults, and self-help evictions were struck down. Threats of litigation by my attorneys deterred further attempts.
Then came the turning point.
When Wouter de Swardt activated his network within SAPS, including Stevens, everything changed. Arrests became the tool of choice. Civil resistance was broken, not by law, but by removal. Incarceration disrupted legal counter-action, allowing landlords to make unopposed submissions and claim possession under the guise of legal transfer — evictions masquerading as compliance.
The very fact of detention served as justification. And SAPS officers provided the state authority to mask unlawful intent with the veneer of due process.
When I was imprisoned, they moved in.
They seized properties. Filed one-sided motions. Presented false claims to the court. With me absent, it all went through — because no one was left to challenge them.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
SAPS Enabled Illegal Possession Transfers by Eliminating the Defendant from Proceedings
Landlords Keith Broad, Ragi Moonsamy, and associates of Paula Disberry successfully took possession of properties while I was imprisoned at Pollsmoor, with critical documentation and devices retained by SAPS. Appeals and court submissions occurred in my absence — unopposed and unrebutted.
Civil filings presented during this period included prior affidavits, docket references, and media reports authored or sourced by the landlords themselves. The possession of properties shifted hands only after — and during — targeted SAPS arrests, proving that state power was used not to enforce justice, but to guarantee a result that landlords had failed to obtain through legal or lawful means.
The Bellville Commercial Crimes Unit and the Orchestrated Legal Attack
The Bellville Commercial Crimes Unit (BCCU), operating under the direction of Sergeant André Stevens, played a central and premeditated role in the legal assault against me. What follows is detailed, irrefutable evidence that the criminal justice system was not only weaponized for private gain but systematically abused to obstruct justice, fabricate charges, and sabotage my legal position.
From the outset, what becomes undeniable is the precise correlation between SAPS activity and the needs of landlords and private complainants. If the South African Police Service (SAPS) and these landlords claim the two tracks — criminal prosecution and property recovery — were unrelated, then we would expect no pattern. The arrests and police interventions should have been random.
Instead, the evidence reveals a perfect alignment: SAPS action surged exactly when landlords needed leverage and ceased the moment they secured their objectives. This direct link between police operations and private financial interests forms the core of the argument for systemic corruption:
✔ SAPS officers acted as enforcers for landlords, not impartial officers of the law.
✔ Arrest and detention were used strategically, not legally — to weaken my ability to resist eviction and defend my rights.
✔ Each landlord’s cooperation with SAPS peaked during their eviction push, and vanished once possession was regained.
✔ The timing of SAPS activity, charges, and detentions maps perfectly onto the private legal campaigns underway.
A Coordinated Campaign: How SAPS, Private Landlords, and Investigators Operated in Sync
This section details how three landlords — Paula Disberry, Keith Broad, and Ragi Moonsamy — worked in lockstep with private investigator Wouter de Swardt and Sergeant André Stevens, forming a coordinated campaign in which state power was repurposed to serve private aims.
✔ Paula Disberry’s active engagement with SAPS ran from December 2021 to October 2022 — the precise window in which she attempted to reclaim her property through both civil means and unlawful entry. SAPS engagement escalated when she faced courtroom resistance and disappeared once she had succeeded.
✔ Keith Broad’s SAPS-aligned campaign began in June 2022 after earlier unlawful eviction attempts failed. This marked his shift to more aggressive coordination with Wouter de Swardt and BCCU. The peak of SAPS activity — arrests, detention, malicious prosecutions — landed at the exact moments he faced legal jeopardy. Once Broad forcibly regained the property in April 2023, all police activity stopped.
✔ Ragi Moonsamy, after more than a year of silence, began actively working with SAPS in November 2022 — the same month my prepaid lease term expired. Within weeks, a December arrest and unlawful eviction occurred, perfectly exploiting a narrow opportunity before new owners arrived. SAPS activity supporting Moonsamy ceased once the takeover was completed in March 2023.
✔ SAPS behavior itself, across all three cases, precisely tracked private interests:
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June 2022: BCCU involvement spikes with Broad’s court escalation.
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August 2022: First arrest lines up with Broad’s eviction strategy.
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December 2022: Second arrest timed for simultaneous advantage to Broad and Moonsamy.
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March 2023: Remand period overlaps with Moonsamy’s need to legitimize possession.
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April 2023: All SAPS contact ends the moment both landlords achieve their goals.
To claim this is all coincidental is to suggest that an astronomically improbable chain of events unfolded with surgical precision — not once, but three times. The facts say otherwise: SAPS was acting in service of private gain, not public justice.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
SAPS Activity Ceased the Moment Landlords Secured Their Properties
In each of the three cases — Paula Disberry, Keith Broad, and Ragi Moonsamy — SAPS arrests, detentions, and investigations aligned precisely with landlords’ civil court pressures. Once each landlord regained possession, all police activity ceased.
This alignment is confirmed through court filing dates, SAPS dockets, and arrest records. Not one investigative step, docket update, or evidentiary move occurred after property possession was transferred. This isn't hypothesis — it’s chronology.
🎲 The Impossible Coincidence: Statistical Evidence of Collusion
The improbability of these events aligning by chance is not only implausible — it is mathematically staggering. Across more than 1,100 days since the original leases commenced, my arrests occurred within one day of the exact points needed by the landlords to regain control. Not once, but twice.
If each event had a 1-in-2 (50%) chance of happening at random, the odds of these alignments occurring across two independent incidents would be:
[(1/2)^{60} = 1 \text{ in } 1.15 \text{ quintillion}]
Across all three coordinated campaigns:
[(1/2){120} = 1 \text{ in } 1.3 \times 10{36} \text{ (1 in 1.3 undecillion)}]
Even applying a vastly more generous probability of 1 in 5 for each event:
[(1/5){60} = 1 \text{ in } 8.67 \times 10{41}]
[(1/5){120} = 1 \text{ in } 7.52 \times 10{83}]
For context: there are only an estimated 10⁸⁰ atoms in the observable universe.
This is not randomness. It is coordination — a statistical impossibility that reveals a calculated and directed campaign, not a series of isolated arrests.
The Illegal Retention of Evidence and Continued Threats
Even after the fraudulent charges collapsed, Sergeant André Stevens and the Bellville Commercial Crimes Unit continued to obstruct justice:
✔ Devices seized over 900 days ago have still not been searched, returned, or linked to any legal process OR were searched and nothing was found amongst the terabyte of data.
✔ A vague promise that “further charges may follow” is used as an indefinite threat — to suppress complaint or litigation.
✔ My passport and legal documents remain unlawfully withheld, preventing international movement and sustained legal challenge.
These are not procedural oversights. They are calculated forms of suppression and silencing, designed to keep legal accountability out of reach.
A Criminal Justice System Subverted for Private Gain
This was never about criminal conduct. It was about conquest. The targeted misuse of SAPS resources, coordinated legal interference, and extrajudicial detention were carried out to:
✔ Illegally seize property
✔ Financially and legally paralyse opposition
✔ Enable private individuals to profit from state-backed force
✔ Weaponize legal systems to mask unlawful gain
What took place was not law enforcement — it was an orchestrated legal ambush, executed under the colour of law.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
SAPS Held Seized Devices for Over 900 Days — With No Forensic Activity, No Charges, and No Trial
The digital devices seized by SAPS on 14 December 2022 remain in custody as of mid-2025. No forensic analysis has been conducted. No trial date has ever been set. No charges related to those devices have been formulated.
Despite repeated requests, no inventory has been provided and no legal basis has been established for their continued retention. These devices included legal correspondence, exculpatory evidence, and documentation required for defense. Their seizure — and continued detention — had no purpose other than obstruction.
When Police Power Replaces Due Process
Why wait years and spend hundreds of thousands on civil litigation when you can pick up the phone, manufacture a fraud narrative, and book an arrest — all for free, funded by the South African taxpayer?
For months prior to orchestrating my arrest, these individuals poured resources into manufacturing the illusion of wrongdoing. They engineered losses, sabotaged operations, and sought to create a climate where ordinary commercial pressure — missed payments, tenant turnover, or structural delays — could be reframed as criminal. Then, on command, they switched from strategy to execution: coordinated SAPS arrests, malicious prosecutions, and legally insupportable evictions.
Even past guests became weapons. Discontented guests were not contacted to reach resolution, or offered swaps, refunds, or apologies. They were corralled into an indistinct category of “victims,” told not to engage with us, and promised restitution by Paula Disberry, Wouter de Swardt, and their group. But for them, “justice” didn’t mean refunds — it meant revenge, seizures, and silence. Their campaign was not about restitution. It was about erasure — of truth, of facts, of me.
Had we been allowed to trade under normal conditions, even with a pessimistic revenue outlook, we would have had the liquidity to pay back every guest, every supplier, every refund, every rent payment — with reserves left to recover the capital I had invested into the villas.
Instead, the criminal justice system was conscripted to do what the landlords could not accomplish through law: seize control of property and assets, eject me from the system, and destroy my ability to defend myself — all while avoiding due process.
An eviction order would have taken months and required attorneys. Even then, I would have left with all contents I’d bought: furnishings, appliances, artwork, architectural upgrades. Instead, they used the state to seize everything in one stroke — villa, contents, revenue system, guests, inventory — and me.
All that was required was for Wouter de Swardt to fabricate just enough for a prima facie case and secure an arrest. That threshold reached, SAPS would carry the baton. It didn’t matter that in court the evidence would fall apart. It didn’t matter that I would produce reams of documents proving our case. They knew that once the system began turning, it wouldn’t stop. Prosecutors could not — or would not — retreat.
The objective wasn’t a trial. It was an accusation. Because they knew: the mere fact of being charged would destroy me.
Once I was listed as the accused in a fraud trial, the assumption would do the work for them. With SAPS carrying their allegations, with every social post and false news piece amplifying it, the label would stick even if the charges didn’t. And with my finances exhausted from legal fees and business loss, they hoped I'd be forced to rely on state attorneys — bought time, limited defense, and vulnerability to conviction.
Each time a campaign failed or backfired, they simply switched out the cast: new SAPS stations, new investigating officers, new docket numbers. No one questioned the repeat pattern.
After the first arrest, I’m told Hout Bay SAPS refused further involvement. Sergeant Duna, exposed for perjury, was no longer useful. Beverley, caught collaborating with Paula Disberry, was also removed. So they switched units. New station. New docket. Fresh accusations — each one designed to appear disconnected from the last.
Wouter de Swardt has already used the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) twice: first, to secure my arrest by misrepresenting evidence, altering asset valuations to influence bail, and lying about how they came into possession of my passport. The NPA was lied to again during the second arrest. I doubt anyone told them the immigration issue had already been tested during the first bail application — or that the “flight risk” claim had been discredited.
Worst of all: on the day of my bail hearing, 19 December, the judge granted me bail. It was done — I was moments away from release.
But de Swardt contacted the Investigating Officer and instructed him to object. That officer, or someone on his behalf, then contacted the prosecutor and relayed false claims:
“At least five more charges are pending.”
“Matters from Paarl are underway.”
“There’s still a significant flight risk.”
Based on that false testimony, the prosecutor intervened. The judge revoked bail and remanded me until 2023.
Let’s be clear:
– If new charges had genuinely existed, SAPS could have acted upon them.
– If there were Paarl cases, they would have materialized.
– But no new charges appeared — not in the following three months of remand, nor in the next four and a half months. Because there were none. The entire maneuver was a fabrication, orchestrated to block bail.
Had I been released on that date, I would have returned to my home. I would have contested Keith Broad’s appeal. I would have reassumed control of the booking system. I could have paid Ragi Moonsamy his year-two lease and disrupted his takeover. I would have frozen fraudulent activity. Blocked access. Resumed operations. Safeguarded my rights.
But instead — I spent three months in Pollsmoor.
I lost my home. My business. My income.
I accumulated over R750,000 in legal debt between two arrests.
All orchestrated. All illegal. And all without consequence.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
NPA Was Misled Into Revoking Bail Based on Invented Charges and False Risk Claims
On 19 December 2022, after the court granted bail, Wouter de Swardt contacted the SAPS Investigating Officer and instructed him to intervene. The NPA was then misled with claims of “five pending charges” and unrelated matters from “Paarl,” neither of which ever materialized.
These false claims prompted the prosecutor to object — resulting in the judge revoking bail already granted.
The arrest and remand that followed allowed landlords to take over properties unopposed, seize systems, and carry out asset transfers. No new charges or Paarl-related dockets ever surfaced, confirming the intervention was not investigative — it was obstructive.
Sabotaging the System to Manufacture Chaos & Allegations
Every guest who couldn’t check in after the illegal evictions of 14 December 2022 was told the same story: that I was a scammer. That I had taken bookings for villas I didn’t control, never intended to deliver the stay, and kept the money.
That story was a lie. The properties were under our control when bookings were made. Refunds were available through the very systems designed to protect guests. Replacement villas could have been arranged. But the consortium — Wouter de Swardt, Ragi Moonsamy, the Broad family, Rajeev, Krashani, and others — ensured no one reached us. They created the chaos, then sold it as evidence.
Had we continued to operate, we would have paid every refund, fulfilled every booking, and cleared every liability — even under worst-case scenarios. But by removing the villas overnight, they cut off every stream of revenue. Then, standing amid the wreckage they caused, they blamed us for the fallout.
This wasn’t accidental. They prevented refunds. They prevented rebookings. They incited damage — so they could point to it.
They knew how our system worked. They had Clement reporting from within. They made fake bookings to confuse the calendar and disrupt operations. They posted screenshots online, claiming to expose a scam. Even Mario, once involved, became part of the campaign.
They knew we used one booking platform: Booking.com. They knew how to reach them. They had the contact number. They had used it before — at least two dozen times. Any one of them could have informed the platform that the villas had changed hands. One phone call would have prevented chaos: guests would have been notified, refunded, or reallocated.
But that would have solved the problem. And they needed a problem.
Instead, they let guests travel — some from overseas — knowing they would arrive to locked gates and no instructions. They posted signs on the villa gates claiming the guests had been scammed. They did not explain that the booking system offered full refunds. They did not tell guests to contact the platform or use card chargebacks. They did not offer help.
Instead, they waited for panic — then redirected it to SAPS.
Had they informed the platform, 300+ families could have been protected in advance. No one would have suffered financial loss. No one would have laid a criminal complaint. And the myth of a scam would have collapsed.
They needed those guests to arrive and fail. They needed chaos. They needed the heartbreak and panic and accusations. Because from that, they built the next round of headlines.
SAPS, again, cooperated — not with the system that would have protected guests, but with those causing the damage.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
Guests Were Intentionally Prevented from Securing Refunds to Create Evidence of Fraud
After the illegal evictions of 14 December 2022, SAPS, landlords, and members of the consortium had full knowledge of the booking platform in use — Booking.com — and full access to alert its representatives. Instead of contacting the platform to pause or reroute bookings, they let guests arrive uninformed, denied them access, and then claimed these disrupted stays as evidence of fraud.
Notices placed on the gates by Wouter de Swardt misled guests, directing them to SAPS without mentioning their refund or chargeback rights. This created dozens of new complaints — all manufactured through omission, not deception by the operator.
How the Booking System Was Designed to Prevent the Very Fraud They Alleged
The accusation that I was “scamming guests” collapses under even the most basic scrutiny. The booking system we used — a single, verified platform (Booking.com) — offered multiple layers of protection for guests and left me personally exposed in every transaction.
Every booking passed through either:
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Booking.com’s managed payment systems, or
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A processing account in my personal name, linked to my South African ID
This meant that: ✔ Guests could file chargebacks through their banks, receiving instant refunds
✔ Booking.com could refund guests directly, deducting amounts from future payouts
✔ My personal financial liability was unlimited — I would have been responsible for shortfalls
✔ Any wrongdoing would have led to immediate account closure and financial collapse
And this wasn’t theory. It was already working.
Even after SAPS arrests, property seizures, and complete financial sabotage, nearly every guest impacted by the December 2022 evictions was either refunded or rebooked. The booking system sustained multiple shocks and still protected guests. Had we been scamming anyone, hundreds of guests across all three villas — Llandudno Luxe, Legend East, Legend West — would have been left out of pocket.
Instead, the number of unresolved refunds stood at just two or three. And that’s despite:
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My detention
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My loss of all equipment
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Consortium members actively instructing guests not to speak to me
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My FNB corporate account being frozen based on false fraud reports
All of this reveals something inconvenient for the narrative: the system worked — even under extreme duress.
If money had been siphoned or diverted, that resilience would have cracked. Guests would have been left owed millions. Instead, despite forced shutdown and total loss of property, the shortfall was negligible — showing that all incoming funds were spent on legitimate expenses: rent, wages, inventory.
The consortium needed guests to be owed money — but they weren’t. So they tried to engineer it.
They believed that by triggering collapse, they would create unpaid obligations. Then they could point to those and declare it fraud. But the safeguards caught most of the collapse — and the few outstanding refunds would have been resolved had they not intentionally blocked access to the account used to return those funds.
This is why they never contacted Booking.com. Why they never asked the platform to deactivate listings after seizure. Why they never warned future guests.
They wanted disruption, not resolution.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
Booking.com Refunded or Reallocated Nearly All Guests After Eviction — Proving the System Was Legitimate
Despite the arrest and seizure of all three villas on 14 December 2022, Booking.com’s guest protection mechanisms remained intact. Almost every disrupted guest was either refunded through the platform, rebooked, or eligible for chargeback through card payments — all without interference from the operator.
As of 2023, only two or three refund issues remained. FNB corporate accounts used to process bookings were frozen after one guest — encouraged by Wouter de Swardt — lodged a fraud report. This blocked remaining payouts. Nonetheless, the platform’s performance during crisis conditions confirms that the system was functional, transparent, and built to protect guests — not defraud them.
Deliberate Silence: Why They Never Warned a Single Guest
The consortium knew everything. They knew we only used Booking.com. They had screenshots. They had made fake reservations. They had agents inside the system. They had Clement feeding them real-time updates. They had access to guest booking lists, contact numbers, calendars.
And they knew I was in Pollsmoor Prison. They knew SAPS held every device, every login, every comms channel. They knew I was unreachable.
And still — not one of them made a call to Booking.com to say:
“The villas are no longer under his control. Please notify the guests.”
They didn’t deactivate the listings.
They didn’t call the platform.
They didn’t warn incoming families.
Why?
Because warning guests would have prevented the scenes they needed:
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Heartbroken families arriving at locked gates
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Children crying at airports
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Couples forced to sleep in rented cars
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Furious guests demanding answers
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New complaints, new press, new fuel for fraud accusations
They created the shock — then filmed the fallout.
They knew these were high-season holidays, many booked a year in advance. They knew cancellations would leave guests stranded with few alternatives. They let it happen — week after week — knowing the source of the chaos was not criminal intent but their own silence.
This was not an oversight. It was a plan.
Because when you manufacture a breakdown, you get to point at the wreckage and say, “Look what he did.”
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
Booking.com Was Not Notified of Property Seizures — Creating Preventable Guest Chaos
After the property seizures on 14 December 2022, the consortium — including Wouter de Swardt, Ragi Moonsamy, and the Broad family — possessed full access to booking records, guest lists, and platform contact details. Despite this, they failed to notify Booking.com that the villas were no longer in operation.
As a result, over 80 bookings proceeded unknowingly, with guests arriving to locked properties. This avoidable crisis, caused by deliberate inaction, was then reframed as “evidence of fraud.” None of the affected guests were informed of their refund or rebooking options through the platform — a failure that appears strategic, not accidental.
The Aftermath: Financial Collapse, Reputation Ruin, and a Weaponized Narrative
What price do you put on a life destroyed?
How do I recover the millions spent on legal fees — civil and criminal — across years of coordinated attack? How do I get back the tens of millions in revenue that was wiped out overnight? How do I reclaim the contents of those villas — the artwork, the accessories, the furnishings I spent a year and my life savings creating?
How do I restore friendships that were severed by lies, articles, and rumors? Or reestablish trust with former guests who now see me as a “scammer,” “wanted by Interpol,” sitting on “stolen millions”? How do I prove to them I was framed — when even attempts to refund them are ignored, blocked, or intercepted?
Even now, I can’t reach some guests to arrange the very refunds they’re owed. Some have been told not to speak to me. Others believe I no longer exist. They’ve seen the articles. The social posts. The labels. The distortion worked.
Every guest who couldn’t check in after 14 December has been fed the same fiction:
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That the villas were never mine to book
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That the bookings were taken with intent to deceive
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That the money was never meant to be returned
But in truth: ✔ The villas were legally under our control when bookings were made
✔ Every booking was logged, timestamped, and underwritten in my name
✔ We had capacity to host far more guests than we took
✔ The booking system defaulted to refund, replacement, or chargeback — all traceable
Had I been operating a scam, Booking.com would have terminated our account years earlier. Had I planned to defraud anyone, I would never have used a system that exposed me personally to liability for every booking — nor paid substantial amounts in advertising to drive more traffic through that system. The logic falls apart on contact.
But logic wasn’t the objective.
They didn’t want to reveal the truth. They wanted to replace it with noise — enough to taint every interaction, every Google search, every whisper. They didn’t just want to win the property battle. They wanted to erase me.
What followed was worse than theft. It was character assassination, sustained and systematized, leaving scars in places no courtroom can reach.
FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH
Over 80 Guest Families Affected by Property Seizure — But Fraud Claims Persist Despite Platform Oversight and Refund Mechanisms
Following the illegal evictions of 14 December 2022, over 80 bookings were disrupted across Llandudno Luxe, Legend East, and Legend West. Despite most guests being refunded or reallocated through Booking.com or card chargebacks, SAPS and the complainants continued to assert that mass fraud had occurred.
This included false claims that the villas were never available to book and that funds were withheld. These allegations persisted despite the platform confirming guest protections, account history, and refund eligibility — reinforcing that the narrative of fraud was a media construction, not a forensic or legal finding.
Closing Note: When Justice Becomes Strategy, Truth Becomes Evidence
What happened here wasn’t a misstep, or a flurry of legal confusion. It was a strategy — built over months, executed across years, involving coordinated actors who repurposed every mechanism of law to pursue personal gain.
The arrests weren’t reactive. They were timed.
The dockets weren’t independent. They were recycled.
The prosecutions weren’t about guilt. They were about absence — mine.
When legal efforts failed, they didn’t stop. They switched uniforms — moving from courtrooms to holding cells. When witnesses wouldn’t comply, they fabricated new ones. When platforms protected guests, they deliberately bypassed them to create disorder. And when that disorder appeared, they used it as proof of the very fraud they had engineered.
This wasn't law enforcement.
It was state-enabled sabotage.
And its cost was measured in more than assets. It was reputation. Relationships. Time. Identity.
They got what they wanted — the villas, the contents, the silence.
And what I lost was everything else.
"Justice without force is powerless; force without justice is tyrannical."
Blaise Pascal