PSIRA VERSUS IPID CONTRASTING & COMPARING

⚖️ COMMUNICATION LOG – SELECTED ENTRIES

Due to the volume of correspondence involved in this matter, only a selection of key communications are included on each investigation page. While not comprehensive, the material shown offers clear insight into the tone, sequence, and substance of exchanges.

These “Investigations” pages paint a vastly different picture than the public has been led to believe — one in which some officials fulfilled their duties with diligence, while others abjectly failed to act. The sheer volume of communications compiled here — many of them repeated appeals simply asking that corruption and criminal conduct be investigated — stand as an indictment of a broken system. In any functioning society, a single credible complaint should be enough to trigger inquiry. Yet in this case, dozens of well-documented submissions across multiple agencies were required just to be ignored. The depth and breadth of these attempts — and the quality of the evidence attached — should never have been necessary. That the majority of those responsible for oversight, enforcement, and accountability have still not acted is not just a procedural failure. It’s a crisis of integrity.

These records are not aesthetic inclusions — they are published for evidentiary and contextual purposes. Any honest comparison between this documented record and Media24’s allegations exposes just how extensively the published narratives distorted the truth.

JUMP TO: COMMUNICATIONS LOG

PSIRA Investigation Outcome And Criminal Charges

Until now, PSIRA has been the only institution to take this matter seriously and do its job. Within weeks of my complaint in April 2023, I met repeatedly with senior inspectors, submitted extensive evidence, and they launched a full-scale investigation.

Earlier this year, they met with Ollie Sokanyile — one of several people unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by SAPS officers acting on behalf of private individuals. In Ollie’s case, the arrest was pure retaliation. When he tried to protect housekeepers and guests from a violent, illegal eviction carried out by Wouter de Swardt and eight hired thugs, he was told, “I will have you locked up.” Days later, he was — and his dog was threatened too.

Following those meetings — and coinciding directly with further escalations in my own case — PSIRA confirmed that Mr. Wouter de Swardt, owner and director of Fox Forensics, will face formal disciplinary charges.

Based on the seriousness of the violations, they have indicated likely expulsion from the industry and any other sanctions available to them. More importantly, PSIRA has compiled and submitted a criminal docket to SAPS — detailing a range of criminal offences committed by Mr. de Swardt.

That step alone is extraordinarily rare.

Out of 2.7 million registered PSIRA members, only two criminal dockets were filed in the 2023 reporting year. Most misconduct goes unreported due to fear of reprisal or belief that action will never be taken. Even when complaints are submitted, most are dismissed, or quietly buried. Investigations of this depth almost never happen. Investigations that result in criminal prosecution? Practically unheard of.

That PSIRA took this route speaks volumes about the conduct they uncovered — not just its seriousness, but its irrefutability.

And I believe this is just the beginning. The investigation confirms what I have asserted from the start: that this campaign was not just unlawful — it was criminal. And that Mr. de Swardt, his clients, and the SAPS officers he worked with committed coordinated, sustained, and calculated offences with full knowledge of what they were doing, and full confidence they’d get away with it.

The fact that they haven’t — at least not entirely — is proof that the truth can still find oxygen.

FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH

PSIRA didn't hesitate. Within weeks of receiving the complaint, they conducted interviews, reviewed evidence, and escalated appropriately. The result: formal disciplinary action, a criminal docket, and the likely expulsion of Wouter de Swardt from the registry. That outcome is statistically exceptional — just two criminal cases were filed in PSIRA’s last reporting year across 2.7 million members. This wasn’t administrative error. It was serious criminality, proven beyond internal doubt, and acted on accordingly.

It proved that justice is still possible — but only when someone is willing to do their job.

PRIVATE SECURITY INDUSTRY REGULATORY AUTHORITY

REPLY FROM PSIRA CONFIRMING PROCEEDNGS AGAINST WOUTER DE SWARDT & CRIMINAL CHARGES

The Meeting With Colonel Mclean — Why The Focus Now Falls On Sergeant Stevens

Following a meeting with Colonel Collett McLean, the scope of investigative focus expanded to include Sergeant Stevens and the Bellville Commercial Crime Unit. Because much of the documentation compiled to date covered the full campaign of misconduct, a new, concentrated file was prepared detailing Stevens's individual role. Its length is justified — there have been too many acts of criminality, ethical breaches, and procedural violations to responsibly summarize without context.

Now that submissions targeting each SAPS officer, department, and unit have been completed, these files are being submitted to the Western Cape Police Ombudsman, based on the colonel’s recommendation.

The new file presents a detailed, evidence-backed case for the criminal prosecution of Sergeant Stevens. The magnitude of misconduct documented renders him unfit to remain in the police service. And this conclusion is not mine alone: two independent magistrates, ruling on two different bail applications, both formally called for investigations into the conduct of investigating officers — a rarity in South African courts, where judges traditionally avoid appearing to criticise SAPS conduct directly.

The fact that they did — unprompted and in separate matters — speaks volumes. While the IOs in those cases were different, the patterns were identical: fabricated dockets, procedural manipulation, unlawful arrests, and charges designed to secure personal or civil advantage, not justice. In both instances, the justice system was abused not to prevent crime, but to perpetrate it.

At the centre of this abuse was Sergeant Stevens.

His conduct was not negligent. It was deliberate. De Swardt had been instructed by his clients to forcibly regain control of contested properties — and it was his relationship with Stevens that made the entire strategy viable. He wasn’t just the IO. He was the enabling force inside SAPS. Over the course of 2022 and 2023, he:

Executed multiple unlawful arrests of innocent civilians
Manipulated prosecutors into opposing bail based on false submissions
Fabricated evidence and inserted falsified affidavits into dockets months after the fact
Obstructed defence access to docket materials to prevent timely legal response
Retained personal property, passports, and equipment without any legal basis
Supported unlawful evictions disguised as lawful police operations
Deployed SAPS units and STF resources to conduct raids that served private interests
Created “victims” by withholding critical information from booking platforms — ensuring guests would arrive to sealed residences and be redirected toward criminal complaints
Initiated no follow-up investigations, collected no new evidence, and avoided all communication — even during prolonged incarcerations that he orchestrated

All of this was done knowingly, and with clear intent. It was not sloppy policing. It was a targeted, coordinated campaign of malice, designed to punish, extract, and silence — while masking the true motives in the language of law enforcement.

As documented, every move Stevens made aligned precisely with the goals of the private clients funding the broader campaign — and his actions delivered them over R100 million in benefit at the direct expense of victims, including myself.

His misconduct extended beyond documents. It reached into the real world: Pollsmoor, evictions, destroyed reputations, stolen time — including the irrecoverable time I’ve lost with my mother, whose cancer diagnosis in 2022 came in the midst of this sustained abuse.

When SAPS officers commit crimes, they do so under the shield of state legitimacy. That’s what makes it so dangerous — and that’s what elevates Sergeant Stevens’s misconduct from corrupt to unforgivable.

FACT FILE — WHEN ENFORCEMENT TURNS CRIMINAL

Two magistrates. Two independent courtrooms. One unanimous conclusion: the investigating officers must be investigated. That level of judicial intervention is rare — especially when both officers were using different dockets to pursue the same illegal ends. What Sergeant Stevens did was not sloppy or rushed policing. It was premeditated misconduct, carried out in service of private clients and executed through the full force of SAPS.

He wasn’t upholding the law. He was impersonating it.
And the result? Unlawful arrests. Fabricated charges. Three months in Pollsmoor. More than R100 million stolen by those who directed the abuse. Stevens gave them the badge — and that made it look legal.

'SAPS IDENICAL CONDUCT' - READ MORE

Saved By The Upstanding & Incorruptible Magistrates

I was lucky. My magistrate expected urgent bail applications to be dealt with urgently — and had no time for police officers who misused the court’s time or ignored the law. But that didn’t stop them from trying.

They assumed that the power and resource imbalance — their badges, their influence, my lack of contacts or support network — would ensure no consequences. They believed they could imprison me indefinitely, and that eventually I’d return to the UK defeated.

But instead, they stole everything: in the most extreme, evil, and humiliating way imaginable. They left me with nothing. And their clients walked away tens of millions of rand richer.

If a civilian had committed what they did, they’d face decades in prison. But SAPS officers? They navigate investigations. They dodge outcomes. They escape punishment entirely.

One example: they claimed I was a flight risk. But my life is here. I’ve spent years in South Africa — because I love it. Cape Town was home. And despite everything, I won’t let these people chase me out. My dogs are here. My fight is here. And I’m not leaving until justice is done.

In 2022, my mother — in her late 70s — was diagnosed with lung cancer. I haven’t seen her since December 2020. First COVID, then them. They stole my passport. Manufactured a bogus immigration charge. Extended my bail until charges were dropped, but kept the passport until mid-2023. At that point, due to an artificial gap created by their obstruction, the visa system wouldn't recognize me. My Letter of Good Cause to the Director General remains unanswered.

So now, two years have passed. And because of Sergeant Stevens’s deliberate actions — the theft of my travel documents, the delay, the deception — I’ve lost time I can never recover. And if she passes before I see her again, he will be the reason why.

Psira's Investigation Relevance: Why It Matters Far Beyond De Swardt

The outcome of the PSIRA investigation is not just symbolic — it’s strategic. It accomplishes two critical things:

(1) It validates the entire record. As the first independent, official investigation into this campaign, PSIRA's findings substantiate what has been alleged from the start. When combined with the pending complaint to the Press Council Ombudsman — which is expected to result in the highest level of sanction available — it lends decisive credibility to a truth that had, until now, been drowned out by deliberate misinformation seeded by Mr de Swardt.

(2) It reveals the full scale of institutional complicity. Mr de Swardt did not act alone. He was hired by property owners to “take back” contested assets. His success depended entirely on one thing: a corrupt alliance with SAPS officers who were willing to commit crimes on demand. Chief among them was Sergeant Stevens, the arresting officer in December 2022 and the central figure in multiple operations. Prior to him, Sergeant Duna carried out an equally unlawful arrest in August. The tactics were identical.

If PSIRA — after a yearlong investigation — concluded that de Swardt’s conduct warrants expulsion and criminal prosecution, it is inconceivable that Sergeant Stevens, his direct collaborator and enabler, is still wearing a badge. Their actions were not parallel. They were intertwined.

The idea that Stevens could receive a promotion after this conduct suggests one thing: his usefulness in executing that campaign may have been rewarded. That’s speculation — but the facts remain.

And while high-ranking figures in SAPS, the Hawks, the STF, NPA, and Home Affairs may have been duped into cooperating, that does not absolve them of responsibility. It intensifies the need for transparency.

There Is No Explanation Other Than Deep Rooted Corruption

Stevens cannot claim this was poor police work. False statements? Intentional. Fabricated affidavits? Deliberate. The arrest and imprisonment of innocent people? Strategic. Every outcome — from the blocked visa to the destroyed reputation to the economic theft — was a result of premeditated misuse of the criminal justice system.

Once the docket was finally made available in June 2023 — and only because the State Prosecutor permitted representations — its contents were shocking, even to seasoned attorneys.

Not a single item of substantive evidence had been submitted by Sergeant Stevens. The only additions were:

A false affidavit, inserted four months after my arrest
Two purported affidavits from Home Affairs officials — both riddled with fundamental errors no trained employee would make. These directly contradicted the Department’s official records and ignored one of its most significant policy shifts in a decade: the automatic extensions during COVID.

The actual charges rested on three complaints from the Omicron surge — already reviewed and dismissed by Camps Bay SAPS as civil matters with no criminal basis. The docket had been inactive for a year. The only material added in that entire period came from landlord Paula Disberry on 7 June 2022, in the form of multiple affidavits. Then, abruptly, on 13 December 2022 — with no new evidence, no warrant, no procedural compliance — they struck.

A high-risk raid was deployed:

Two dozen SAPS officers,
Fully armed Special Task Force units,
Coordinated illegal evictions,
Simultaneous arrest and property seizure

All triggered by a dormant file and a fabricated urgency.

The real objective was threefold:

Evict me under the guise of arrest, allowing landlords to reclaim properties without legal resistance
Secure incarceration, ensuring I couldn’t oppose appeals filed by those same landlords in other civil matters
Execute a secret raid at my other residence, while attention was focused on the highly visible, staged arrest at my primary home

Minutes after my removal, de Swardt and Stevens handed over keys and assets to the property owners.

Even after my arrest, the docket remained frozen. There were no follow-ups — no phone records, no bank statements, no digital data harvested. Multiple charges alluded to in court — fraud, money laundering, new complaints from Paarl — were never filed. No evidence was ever added to support the lies used to revoke bail and prolong incarceration.

In reality, the docket was a ghost file — its only purpose was to justify the state’s use as a weapon. In two and a half years, only one entry wasn’t fabricated or misleading: three affidavits submitted on a single day by a hostile landlord during an ongoing civil dispute.

Perhaps most telling: following both arrests, not once did Stevens or any IO ask me a question. Not in custody. Not in Pollsmoor. Not since.

No fraud investigation — especially one claimed to be “wide-scale” — proceeds without questioning the accused.

Stevens didn’t ask, because he didn’t need answers. He already had his instructions.

In the absence of genuine victims, Stevens and de Swardt invented them. After my arrest, they withheld notice from Booking.com, knowing guests would arrive to locked villas. Instead of helping them rebook or recover funds, they pushed guests to SAPS to lay false criminal charges — retroactively creating a paper trail of “offended parties” to reinforce the fraud narrative they had scripted from the start.

'SAPS UNLAWFUL CONDUCT' - READ MORE

FACT FILE — WHEN THE SYSTEM KNOWS, BUT DOESN’T MOVE

The PSIRA outcome proves it wasn’t just plausible — it was provable. The misconduct wasn’t alleged; it was verified. And the trail didn’t stop at de Swardt. It led directly into SAPS, to a badge and a name: Sergeant Stevens.

A criminal docket existed. No evidence was collected. No witnesses questioned. No follow-ups made. The case was never built — because it was never real. It was camouflage. A prop built to enable arrest, property seizure, and silence.

And even when the victims arrived — not guests, but civilians turned into pawns by withholding vital information — their suffering was orchestrated. Not responded to.
The only thing Stevens documented was fiction. The only thing he protected was a racket. And the only thing still missing is his accountability.

The Case For A Full Investigation Into Sergeant Stevens

While PSIRA has acted on Mr. de Swardt’s conduct, its jurisdiction only extends to matters involving private security regulation. That means SAPS officers like Sergeant Stevens remain outside PSIRA’s reach. And yet, the evidence leaves no ambiguity: if de Swardt is unfit for his licence, then Stevens is unfit for his badge.

These two men didn’t just collaborate — they operated as one. Stevens wasn’t merely an investigator; he was de Swardt’s proxy inside SAPS, the trusted conduit who gave state legitimacy to what was, at its core, a private criminal enterprise.

His actions were not marginal missteps — they were integral:

He executed the illegal arrests, which were nothing more than forced evictions masked as criminal proceedings
He orchestrated my wrongful imprisonment, built on a foundation of knowingly false information
He fabricated documents and delayed bail, inserting retroactive affidavits to create legal justifications that didn’t exist
He filed a bogus immigration charge, even as he and Sergeant Duna were directly responsible for sabotaging my ability to comply with visa requirements
He withheld my passport and equipment, not just at the time of arrest but for more than 18 months afterward — long after the state had dropped every charge
He masterminded a covert raid on my Llandudno property, while I was being publicly arrested elsewhere
And perhaps most destructively, he created the post-arrest “victims” — withholding critical booking data from platforms to ensure guests were left stranded, then directing them to lay charges that SAPS could manipulate into new allegations

None of this was accidental. It was designed.

And unlike the false charges that were manufactured and fronted by corrupted officers within SAPS, the complaints now facing de Swardt — and the ones that must follow against Stevens — come from independent, statutory authorities with no connection to me or to each other. Their findings speak to professional misconduct, institutional betrayal, and personal criminality.

The question is not whether Stevens should be investigated — but whether SAPS has the courage to investigate its own.

'CRIMES OFBELVILLE COMMERCIAL CRIMES' - READ MORE

FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH

PSIRA did what it could: it investigated, found wrongdoing, and referred for criminal prosecution. But the bulk of the offences weren’t private — they were executed through the state.

Sergeant Stevens wasn’t an accessory. He was the access point — the SAPS officer who legitimised a private campaign by providing it with public authority. He didn’t bend the rules. He erased them. Arrests without warrants. Charges without evidence. Raids without oversight. Statements without truth.

And unlike PSIRA, SAPS has made no move. Not to investigate. Not to suspend. Not to explain.
The system that should be policing corruption is, in this case, still saluting it.

THE OUTCOME: JUSTICE OR WHITEWASH

Prosecuting Criminal Conduct — or Enabling It Through Silence and Impunity

Given the scale of misconduct and the overwhelming evidence — both submitted and still available — anything less than the immediate dismissal and full prosecution of Sergeant Stevens and Sergeant Duna would constitute a whitewash. It would be an institutional failure of the highest order.

To do nothing is not neutrality. It is endorsement.

If this is allowed to stand, the message is unmistakable: SAPS officers are free to commit crimes, manipulate justice, and serve private interests — without consequence. Worse, it signals to private individuals that hiring the police is now a viable strategy for executing criminal agendas.

And with bitter irony, it confirms the unimaginable: that in South Africa, the safest way to commit crime with impunity is to do it through the police.

Attempted Engagement — A Year-And-A-Half Of Silence

For the last TWO PLUS YEARS, I have pursued every formal, proper, and documented avenue to trigger an investigation by IPID. That pursuit was grounded in clear legal requirements and supported by overwhelming evidence of misconduct. It was also entirely ignored.

I submitted completed complaint forms detailing the conduct of:

Sergeant Stevens
Sergeant Duna
Members of Hout Bay SAPS
Camps Bay SAPS
Bellville Commercial Crime Unit

Each complaint was supported by documents, reference material, timelines, and annexures. The submissions were lodged correctly, in the required format, through the official channels.

Once no reply was received, I followed up by email — not once, but repeatedly. I sent detailed correspondence to the official IPID intake addresses as well as direct emails to named individuals across IPID’s leadership structure. Not a single one replied.

I escalated again:

I copied in every senior official at IPID, including the Executive Director, provincial heads, deputy heads, and support coordinators
I reattached forms and summaries in each escalation
I flagged the urgency of the matter: criminal allegations against senior SAPS officers, already under public scrutiny
I documented the legal violations, quoted relevant mandates, and referred to court records and PSIRA proceedings

There was still no acknowledgment.

No confirmation of receipt.
No reference number issued.
No case opened.
No investigator assigned.
Not even a form letter.

At every level, I was met not with resistance — but with silence.

Eventually, with nowhere else to turn, I raised the issue with senior government officials:

Multiple communications were sent to the Ministry of Police, the Ministry of Justice, and the Office of the Presidency
I informed the Premier of the Western Cape
In some cases, I included timelines, summaries, and records of my attempts to engage IPID directly

Not one of those offices ensured a reply.

Let me repeat that plainly: I reported state-enabled criminality, supported with evidence and legal precedent, and every oversight body looked away.

The entity charged specifically with holding police accountable refused to even acknowledge the attempt.

While PSIRA acted quickly and decisively, opening investigations, scheduling interviews, collecting evidence, and issuing formal findings — IPID did not respond to a single message. That is not oversight. That is absence.

'300+ CRIMINAL OFFENCES' - READ MORE

'DOCKET IN NAME ONLY' - READ MORE

FACT FILE: HOW DO YOU REPORT A CRIME WHEN NO ONE LISTENS?

Despite submitting completed complaint forms and detailed evidence logs against multiple SAPS officers — including Sergeants Stevens and Duna, and entire units like Hout Bay SAPS and Bellville Commercial Crimes — there has been no reply whatsoever from IPID.

Over the course of 18 months, dozens of emails were sent, including escalations to senior officials and direct appeals from legal representatives. Not a single acknowledgement was received — no case number, no follow-up request, not even a form letter. The silence remained absolute even after communications were sent to the Ministry of Police, the Ministry of Justice, and the Premier of the Western Cape.

While PSIRA conducted a full investigation, issued disciplinary proceedings, and referred a criminal docket, IPID — the very agency created to hold SAPS accountable — has not so much as confirmed receipt. This isn't mere bureaucracy. It’s institutional abandonment. And when the mechanisms of accountability are this unresponsive, they don't just fail victims — they shield perpetrators.

REPORT INTO I.P.I.D

SAPS IPID Investigations: The Numbers That Prove Systemic Failure

This table exposes the staggering failure of South Africa’s police oversight system.

Out of an estimated 100,000 crimes committed by SAPS officers, only 8.39% are reported, and a mere 0.03% result in convictions with sentences equal to civilian standards.

The numbers reveal a system designed to protect law enforcement from consequences, ensuring that corruption, abuse, and misconduct continue unchecked.

Breakdown of Key Figures:
• Total estimated police crimes: 100,000+
• Reported cases: 8,390 (8.39%)
• Cases investigated by IPID: 1,250 (1.25%)
• Cases referred for prosecution: 320 (0.32%)
• Convictions with meaningful sentences: 30 (0.03%)

The numbers prove that SAPS officers operate with near-total impunity, shielded by a system that refuses to hold them accountable.

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PSIRA VS IPID — A Case Study In Contrast

In mid-2023, PSIRA completed a year-long investigation into Wouter de Swardt — acting promptly, meeting regularly, reviewing evidence, and ultimately moving to discipline and prosecute. In doing so, PSIRA showed what regulatory oversight can and should look like: impartial, independent, and driven by fact.

Now contrast that with IPID.

Despite dozens of submissions over more than a year — including completed complaint forms, detailed timelines, and legal documentation — IPID has never once responded. Not a single acknowledgment. Not a single request for more information. Not even a case reference number. Every communication, including those forwarded by legal representatives and addressed to specific senior officials, was met with complete silence.

Let’s be clear: IPID is not a passive observer in this story — its inaction is central to the problem. This is not a case of one missed email. It is a complete and deliberate refusal to engage with corruption inside SAPS — exactly the kind of conduct it was created to address.

When it comes to institutional behaviour, inaction speaks as loudly as action.

PSIRA moved. IPID vanished.
PSIRA gathered facts. IPID ignored evidence.
PSIRA prosecuted a corrupt private actor. IPID shielded his state collaborators.

The complaint sent to IPID did not rely on assumption or opinion. It was authored by legal professionals, backed by hard documentation, and accompanied by witness testimony, court records, official affidavits, and evidence logs. It contained allegations so serious — including unlawful arrests, fabricated charges, illegal evictions, theft, forgery, perjury, passport fraud, and conspiracy between SAPS members and private clients — that a non-response cannot be mistaken for error. It is dereliction.

This contrast is not cosmetic. It has consequences.

Because IPID failed to act, SAPS officers involved in serious misconduct were never investigated. Because they were never investigated, they were free to continue. And because they continued, private individuals learned a dangerous truth: that if you pay the right people, and shield your actions behind the right badges, the state will do your dirty work.

No subpoenas. No suspensions. No charges. No oversight.

As a result, a regulatory vacuum now exists — one which PSIRA alone cannot fill. And into that vacuum has stepped a strategy so toxic, so brazen, that its very success relies not on loopholes… but on the absolute certainty that IPID will not intervene.

'SAPS IDENICAL CONDUCT' - READ MORE

FACT FILES: EXPOSING THE LIES, REVEALING THE TRUTH

While PSIRA launched a full investigation, conducted interviews, reviewed evidence, and proceeded to formal disciplinary action and criminal referral within twelve months, IPID — the one body mandated to police the police — remained entirely absent.

Despite receiving comprehensive complaints, legal submissions, and escalations from attorneys and oversight offices, IPID took no visible action, offered no acknowledgment, and assigned no investigator.

This wasn’t a question of backlog or bandwidth. PSIRA demonstrated that institutional accountability is possible — when there’s will and integrity. In contrast, IPID’s silence created a vacuum so vast that it effectively issued an unspoken license: SAPS officers remain untouched, unexamined, and above reproach, no matter how grave the allegations.

The result? A system where private citizens were held accountable by statute, but state actors — with infinitely more power — faced no scrutiny at all. The contrast doesn’t just reflect failure. It exposes complicity by omission.

Institutional Collapse — What The Numbers Reveal, And What They Enable

When you strip away the spin, the structures, and the mission statements, you’re left with one question: Does IPID do its job? And the answer, plainly, is no.

In theory, IPID is the body mandated to investigate crimes committed by SAPS officers. In practice, the agency has become a statistical mirage — more decoration than deterrent.

Here’s what the data shows:

Fewer than 2% of complaints lodged with IPID result in criminal convictions
The vast majority of reported cases are closed without sanction or left to “internal discipline” — a euphemism for nothing happening at all
In most provinces, IPID has no measurable enforcement footprint; entire clusters of known abuses remain untouched
Even in high-profile cases, procedural delays, “capacity constraints,” and non-cooperation from SAPS sabotage investigations from within

That’s not oversight. That’s collapse.

In the context of this case, the implications are devastating. What’s happened here is not just the product of criminal ingenuity. It’s the inevitable consequence of a vacuum — one that corrupt officers and the civilians who fund them know exists, rely on, and exploit.

The architecture of the abuse was not complicated:

Private individuals hired a private investigator known for his influence with SAPS
That investigator enlisted SAPS officers who were willing to act criminally in exchange for proximity, payment, or protection
Those officers executed arrests, raids, document seizures, and false charges — giving the illusion of legality to a private criminal enterprise
Complaints were lodged
No investigation followed

And that last step wasn’t a glitch. It was the plan.

The simple truth is this: without IPID’s failure, this campaign would not have succeeded. Property could not have been seized. People could not have been imprisoned. Courts could not have been bypassed. And reputations could not have been destroyed with state logos and fake dockets.

It’s not that IPID didn’t see. It’s that IPID didn’t look.

And that silence is not neutral. It’s active protection — for the perpetrators, and against the victims.

Even now, with a criminal docket from PSIRA and mounting civil actions against SAPS and its officers, IPID has done nothing to even acknowledge the matter.

That’s not procedural backlog. It’s a dereliction so deep it borders on institutional complicity.

Because when those tasked with accountability abandon that task, they don’t just fail to prevent injustice — they empower it.

'WOUTER DE SWARDT CRIMINAL CONDUCT' - READ MORE

'ABSENCE OF EVIDENCE' - READ MORE

FACT FILES: THE NUMBERS REVEAL A SHOCKING REALITY

The numbers don’t lie — they indict. Fewer than 2% of IPID-referred cases result in criminal convictions. When you factor in the countless complaints dismissed before reaching investigation, and the ones quietly handed off to internal SAPS “discipline,” the true rate of meaningful consequence falls below 1%. That’s not just failure — that’s statistical immunity. In a system this dysfunctional, corrupt officers don’t fear accountability; they rely on its absence.

In this case, the crimes were not subtle, the victims not silent, and the evidence not hidden — yet IPID remained inert. And when an oversight body defaults to inaction by design or default, it ceases to be oversight. It becomes complicity — measured not just in outcomes, but in consequences that never come.

What That Vacuum Enables — When The State Becomes A Tool For Private Criminality

In any functioning democracy, state power is meant to protect the public — not serve private interests. But when oversight bodies like IPID go dark, when misconduct is reported and ignored, and when law enforcement officers act with impunity, something dangerous takes root: the law stops being a shield and becomes a weapon — selectively handed to those who can manipulate it.

That’s precisely what happened here.

The absence of IPID wasn’t an administrative glitch. It became the precondition for abuse. By failing to even acknowledge the evidence submitted, IPID not only abandoned its duty — it effectively issued a green light to the perpetrators.

Here’s what that silence enabled:

SAPS officers to be requisitioned by private clients, with criminal law used to override civil proceedings
Unlawful arrests and fabricated charges to be disguised as legitimate state action
Victims to be silenced, reputations destroyed, and entire estates and businesses dismantled with no fear of consequence
High Court orders and interdicts to be rendered irrelevant, because the state itself — through SAPS — was now acting as the enforcer for private criminal objectives

More dangerously, it created a blueprint — one that others could follow. If the campaign against me succeeds unchallenged, it sends a message not just to SAPS officers, but to every private actor with access: hire the right investigator, manipulate the right relationships, and you too can use the police to eliminate legal opposition, bypass courts, and take what doesn’t belong to you.

Because when regulatory silence meets criminal ambition, a new class of untouchables is born: civilians with uniforms at their command.

And so IPID’s failure does more than let individual crimes go unchecked — it institutionalises the idea that justice is optional, available only to those not targeted by the well-connected and well-resourced.

'PERJURY AS A CRIMINAL WEOPON' - READ MORE

FACT FILES: NOT FIT FOR PURPOSE, WHAT THE VACUUM ENABLES

When IPID fails to act, it doesn’t just allow police misconduct to continue — it clears the runway for state-sanctioned abuse. The silence creates conditions where private citizens can commandeer public power to carry out criminal objectives, all behind the façade of official police operations.

It means uniforms can be rented, justice outsourced, and impunity guaranteed. In this case, arrests, raids, seizures, and reputational destruction weren’t glitches — they were delivered services. Without oversight, the badge becomes a battering ram, and the law becomes something that’s done to people, not for them. And the real danger isn’t just what happened — it’s that others will learn how to do it too.

The Third Outcome — What Happens When You Stand Up And No One Stands With You

When this began, I understood the stakes. Filing complaints, presenting evidence, and exposing misconduct inside SAPS carries obvious risks — especially when that misconduct is connected to powerful private interests with deep links inside the system. Still, I believed in two possibilities:

(1) That the state would act on the evidence
(2) That if it didn’t, retaliation was likely — but justice might still follow

What I did not expect was a third, far more dangerous outcome: to be retaliated against and ignored.

I followed the rules. I used official channels. I submitted documents, affidavits, recordings, and transcripts. I petitioned ministries, lodged complaints with IPID, and brought in legal representation. And in doing so, I made myself a target — without gaining any protection.

They retaliated — with arrests, seizures, fabricated dockets, and prison time. But the system didn’t respond with consequences. It responded with silence.

Not only was I left to endure the campaign, I was forced to endure it without state protection, without institutional acknowledgment, and without a single assurance that justice would ever arrive.

This is the true cost of inaction: not just the damage that’s allowed to unfold, but the message it sends to victims who try to do the right thing. That message is simple: report the truth, and you may lose your freedom, your livelihood, your assets, and your dignity. And when you do, no one will catch you.

There was never any question that taking this stand would come at a price. But it was meant to buy justice. Not this.

'UNLAWFUL SEIZURE' - READ MORE

FACT FILES: THE THIRD OUTCOME, WORST OF ALL WORLDS

When justice systems fail, it’s often assumed that the victim stayed silent or disappeared. But what happens when someone speaks up, follows every rule, submits every form — and is still ignored? The consequence is devastating: retaliation without remedy. Every complaint made in good faith became a risk multiplier.

The very act of demanding accountability triggered new violations — while the institutions tasked with delivering justice stood by in silence. This is the most dangerous outcome of all: not when power is abused, but when abuse becomes the cost of trying to stop it. In that silence, misconduct isn’t just tolerated — it’s incentivized. And those who speak out don’t just face their perpetrators — they face the system too.

Conclusion — A System That Knew, And Chose To Do Nothing2

Every complaint was logged. Every form submitted. Every warning sent. And every authority that should have acted — didn’t.

Across two years, the police were not just negligent; they were participants. Across 18 months, IPID wasn’t just unresponsive; it was absent. And across that entire time, the silence of oversight bodies became the loudest signal: not to victims, but to perpetrators — that they were free to continue.

This is not an unresolved complaint. It is an unresolved crisis.

At its core is a simple equation: private individuals with motive, police officers with power, and institutions with no intention of intervening. That equation has already resulted in homes lost, property stolen, reputations destroyed, and prison sentences served by the innocent. Left unchecked, it will claim more.

There is still time to act. But to do so, the state must stop pretending this is administrative backlog or bureaucratic delay. The facts are known. The damage is done. And no one in this story can say they weren’t told.

'REAL REASONS' - READ MORE

FACT FILE — THE COST OF SILENCE, THE PRICE OF INACTION

The crimes were reported. The evidence was submitted. The legal grounds were sound. And still, every system built to intervene — from IPID to senior ministries — did nothing. That silence wasn’t an oversight. It was a message.

When institutions designed to protect the public fail to act in the face of overwhelming truth, they don’t just allow injustice — they license it. The result is a precedent more dangerous than any individual offender: that state power can be hijacked, oversight can be ignored, and victims who follow the rules can be punished for doing so. This isn’t a procedural failure. It’s a policy of indifference. And in its shadow, corruption doesn’t hide — it thrives

PRIVATE SECURITY INDUSTRY REGULATORY AUTHORITY [PSIRA]